Within the
book in question, families are defined as “a normative sphere, structural unit,
and set of relationships that merit investigation in their own right” (2015: 5)
-thus acknowledging that a‘family’ exists not only as a physical entity but
also as a set of meaningful activities which serve to reinforce the family’s
existence.
This Barthes-esque (1957: 100) interpretation of the family adopted by the
authors serves to create a research piece which acknowledges the individual
interactions between each families structure, rather than reducing them to a
standardized family model.
There are
four main objectives within the book:
To contribute to the theoretical literature on families by offering a
theorisation of the relationship between family and poverty/low income;
To explore how decisions and practises around resource utilisation are
influenced by family-related considerations, especially the well-being of
children;
To examine the support networks (if any) that people have available – more
specifically the support roles of (near and distant) family, friends and
neighbours and the norms and expectations associated with such support;
To elucidate how income shortages influence
and affect people’s local and wider engagements and interactions and the
actions and representations people undertake to maintain an acceptable ‘local
face’ and ‘public image’.
In order to
address the objectives, the book reports on the findings of a study conducted
between2011 and 2012-prior to and during the changes made to the welfare state
by the Welfare Reform Act.The research consisted of 51 open-ended face-to-face interviews
with respondents in Northern Ireland who were a part of a family living in
poverty or deemed to be low-income. The sample was drawn from respondents to
the Northern Ireland Family Survey
who had given their permission to be re-contacted for the purposes of other
research.
The book is
structured into ten chapters, including an introduction and a conclusion. Chapters
one to seven were the result of a thematic framework which focused on any interconnections
between the key questions, themes and dimensions of analysis, as well as
regularities and irregularities of association in order to identify explanatory
factors.
The conjoining factor between all of the chapters is the focus on familial
lives and their complex relationships with poverty.
Each chapter
opens with an overview of the main topic being discussed and how the current
chapter ties into the subsequent one. The chapter is further broken down into
subthemes which are supplemented by supporting interview quotes. Each chapter
ends with an overview section which summarises the chapter and reiterates the
most prominent findings, supported by relevant literature or further data from
the interview transcripts.
This layout
is a useful mechanism in reflecting on the powerful insights offered by the
research participant’s perspective, all the while ensuring that the individual
voices and anecdotes are not lost within the wider debate of poverty-related policy.
The thematic
layout of each chapter is befitting for the theoretical framework utilised to
analyse the data.This format, coupled with the ties between the chapters
highlighted in the introductory paragraph of each chapter allows for a
consistent read throughout. The use of open ended face to face interviews
provided the book with a real-life quality, something that is often lacking in
research studies that are heavily public policy-related (Colechin, Griffiths
and Wilson, 2015. Beatty, Gore, Powell, 2011). Despite the typical constraints
of ‘biased’ research interpretations through the use of qualitative methods,
the authors manage to maintain a sense of neutrality when analysing the data,
any notable themes are thoroughly discussed and based heavily within a
theoretical context before any conclusions are drawn.
Having said
this, the inclusion of just one representative on behalf of the family unit
only allows the input of one voice amongst a multi-dimensional unit, this in
turn may result in further insights and different perceptions to be overlooked.
This was an issue addressed by Backett (1990), whoconducted a study into health
beliefs and behaviours in middle-class families by conducting three rounds of
interviews with parents over a period of eighteen months, followed by a
supplementary study with the children of the families.Although this research
design is more complex than if one interview stage took place, a fuller picture
of family life is generated. This is supported by Pahl (1989) who states that
joint interviews allows for a thorough insight into the interactions and
non-verbal communication within a family unit. Therefore, as the study focuses
on moving away from the concept of families as being a logical category,an
observational research method would serve to provide further insight relating
to the enactments of a family unit.
A key theme mentioned
in the findings of the research was the existence of the family as a complex
series of relationships rather than a unit of its own. One example of which was
members of the family being categorised as rich and not rich, in accordance to
whom help can be sought from, and the relational context within which it takes
place.
One
interesting finding was the active re-designing of family structures
facilitated by family members themselves, which in turn disproved the societal
trends towards individualisation and pluralisation (Beck, 1992. Giddens, 1992)
within the family unit. More specifically, Daly and Kelly noted that rather
than there being a collapse of normative family structures, there was in fact a
re-design of family structures, whereby extended family members and kin were
included if they met certain characteristics i.e. were a valuable form of
financial support or a consistent source of emotional support (2015: 110).
Furthermore, this selective isolation of the family in question also extended
to neighbourhood relations, as half of the participants reported having no
close contact with their direct neighbours (138:2015). Although this lack of civic duty has long
been noted as a common feature of post-modern society (Moroi, 2008. Beck, 1992.
Giddens, 1991).
Another key
theme within the text was that of transactions of support whereby meals were
shared in return for childcare or other forms of return from neighbours, family
and kin. These forms of symbiotic relationships were frequently mentioned
throughout the book, and in turn relate to social exchange theory, whereby
human relationships are based on a series of subjective cost-benefit analyses
and the comparison of alternative options. Another example of this was through
engaging with local community services, whereby engagement with a local service
was conducted on the basis of what beneficial services could be received
(Gergen, 2012).
A geographical
element was also mentioned frequently within the book, with families choosing
to remain within an area providing that it is geographically close to relevant
provisions and other family members in order to cut down on travel costs and particularly
the need for a car and the expenses that it incurs. This is supported by Young
and Wilmott’s (1957, then followed up in 1973) study of family structures in
east London, which describes how older relatives would follow their children
into the suburbs where possible.
Overall, it
seems that the argument that Daly and Kelly are aiming to present within the
text is the notion of an abstract and fluid family structure which shifts from
a tangible to a non-tangible form (and vice versa) in accordance to the
family’s needs. This discovery highlights a gap in the provisions for family
related policies and front-line services to accommodate such dynamic family
structure.
Ultimately,
the research presented in this book provides an engaging and passionate
contribution to the debate around family life and poverty. Although the
language used is targeted towards an academic audience, it would be useful to
welfare policy makers and practitioners, as well as those interested in issues
of parenting, money management, family support and local engagement.
Bibliography
Backett, K.C. (1990b) 'Studying Health in Families: a qualitative
approach', in S. Cunningham-Burley & N.P. McKeganey (eds.) Readings in Medical Sociology.
London: Routledge.
Barthes, R.
(1957) Mythologies. London: Routledge.
Bauman, Z (2003) Liquid Love: on the Frailty of Human Bonds. Oxford,
Polity.
Beck, U. (1992) Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity, London,
Sage.
Gergen, K.
(2012) Social Exchange: Advances in theory and research. Berlin: Springer
Science and Business Media.
Giddens, A. (1991) Modernity and Self- Identity.Cambridge:
Polity.
Giddens, A. (1992) The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality, Love and
Eroticism in Modern Societies.
Cambridge, Polity Press.
Moroi, Y. (2008) Ethics of Conviction and Civic Responsibility.
Lanham: University Press of America.
Pahl, J. (1989) Money and Marriage. Basingstoke:
Macmillan.
Willmott, P. Young, M. (1957) Family and Kinship in East London.London:
Policy Press.
